The fragility of the ODM bubble is seriously threatened by an approaching sharp arrow fired by the self appointed, miracle performing, wanted criminal suspect Bishop Gilbert Deya. If a strong wind does not blow the bubble away from the path of the arrow it is sure to burst and render the artificial political unity in Kenya’s opposition politics useless. But even if a strong political wind blows the bubble out of danger, it will still remain a fragile one, far from the strong ball of orange fire that made President Mwai Kibaki shake in his boots in the 2005 referendum.
If there was ever a picture that truly told “a better story than a thousand words”, that which was circulated to thousands of Kenyans through the internet throughout the whole of last week was it. It showed the suspected smuggler of newly born babies, Deya, posing for the camera with Raila Odinga, one of the ODM presidential candidates. Altogether there were more than ten pictures – clear and irrefutable proof that Raila did indeed visit the suspected child smuggler and voodoo miracle performer who claims to be a Christian bishop.
On the night of March 15th Raila categorically denied in a televised interview ever going to “Bishop” Deya’s place; but the NTV On The Spot interviewer, Julie Gichuru, either did not know of the Deya-Raila pictures or simply let the ODM leader off the hook. Her persistent questioning on the relationship between Raila and Deya however revealed quite interesting information: They both come from Siaya and the politician was quite ready to come to the defence of the wanted suspected criminal: “Everyone is presumed to be innocent until proven guilty!” he said. Is Deya really an innocent man?
Writing for the British provincial paper published in Birmingham, Sunday Mercury, Fionnuala Bourke, says Kenyan police are seeking to extradite Gilbert Deya, whose controversial church has three branches in Midlands. Bourke says the Archbishop has been accused of running a baby smuggling racket where children were “miraculously born” in Africa to sterile women and then transported back to Britain.[1] Bourke exposes Deya as a conman who used tricks to get photographed with the Queen in order to promote his church. She claims the aeroplane with his name on it is actually not his but a hired one.
Whether Raila is backed by Deya or not no one will really know the truth. What is known however is the fact that the ODM London meeting of early this month was a total failure because Kalonzo Musyoka, Uhuru Kenyatta, William Ruto, Najib Balala and Julia Ojiambo boycotted it mainly because they suspected Deya was closely connected with the whole arrangement. In a press statement rejecting the London conference five leaders claimed Kenyans had become suspicious of the trip “which was being seen as a begging mission.” According to Daily Nation reporter David Mugonyi, Pastor Deya confirmed that he was one of the organisers and an ODM supporter. He says independent sources iformed him some of the leaders withdrew after they learnt that pastor Gilbert Deya was one of the organisers of the trip.[2]
There are many who will see Raila’s relationship with Deya as an extremely dangerous time bomb about to explode and wreck the very survival of the party which was already vulnerable to fragmentation caused by ethnic nationalism within it. His dependence on Deya’s financial assistance, if at all it is there, could ruin his political popularity outside Luoland for the rest of the current electioneering period. The matter becomes worse whenever Deya opens his mouth. As Raila was denying visiting the pastor’s offices in the UK, the self styled conjuror was telling a journalist of the existence of a MoU between him and Raila promising him the job of Kenya’s high commissioner in London whenever ODM formed the government after the 2007 elections. No wonder the majority of ODM presidential candidates boycotted the London meeting.
Apart from the Deya scandal ODM as apolitical party is deeply buried in power struggle between Kalonzo Musyoka and Raila Odinga. To paraphrase Henrick Smith, the renown Washington correspondent of the New York Times , in Kenya those two ODM leaders talk of politics as a game, and themselves as players. To be a player is to have power or influence on some issue. Not to be a player is to be out of the power loop and without influence [3] Kalonzo and Raila exhibited unusual skills in influencing opinion and support in the party both before and after the now infamous London trip.
Raila and his supporters claimed in London ODM would get an international platform and an opportunity to solve its internal problems. Before the trip he even managed to convince his rival Kalonzo that London would provide the secret to party unity. According to the Sunday Standard Kalonzo at that time said: “In London, we will sit and compare notes because all of us have campaigned far and wide. We will identify our weak points and improve on them.”[4]That was before the ball was in his court when he championed the anti-London crusade which left Raila almost single handed in his trip-to-London mission where he met Deya alone.
Many political observers saw a Machiavellian touch in Raila’s scheme of getting everyone to London to spread the ODM doctrine to the converted Kenyans in the Diaspora. His secret plan was exposed by Kalonzo who had the last laugh when the rip flopped despite Agwambo’s presence in the British capital. His anger was most conspicuous on his return to Nairobi when he addressed the Press in the most threatening language: No one was indispensable and there would be “no so and so tosha” this time. The message was loudly and clearly directed to Kalonzo Musyoka.
The rise of anti Raila sentiments in the ODM was a surprise to many political pundits. A lot of presidential candidates who backed Kalonzo were suspected Raila puppets. One of them, Najib Balala, had to admit himself in Mombasa hospital to save face while the other, Musalia Mudavadi, had to pretend to be too busy talking to the Mijikenda people in Malindi to be bothered about the party’s international image. All these moves by Kalonzo, Mudavadi and Balala joined by William Ruto and Julia Ojiambo were first warnings to Raila that he was losing grip of absolute control of the party the way he used to control the National Development Party before he dissolved it to become Kanu’s secretary general under President Moi only a few years ago. Is the political momentum which Raila used to manipulate to his advantage losing its strength?
Until today ODM strongly believes it has what it takes to remove Mwai Kibaki from power in December this year. In an almost euphoric manner its members have what Robert G. Wesson, a former specialist in Sovietology who was primarily interested in finding a way out of political backwardness of international relations, would call “believing what they like”. He said humans have a wonderful capacity to believe what they like. If individuals enjoy this vice, still more are nations disposed to reinforce the agreeable view and patriotically shut out what does not suit.[5] Shutting out Bishop Deya may not be possible now because, we like it or not, he is there. But ODM has a dream. A dream of constitutionally replacing Kibaki. But if this dream ever comes true the party in a bubble has to take many damage control exercises. For example it has many brilliant people who should realise they ought not touch “bishop” Deya – even with a barge pole!
If ODM does not sever relationship with Deya at the earliest possible opportunity, it will in fact be swallowing a suicidal pill which he happens to be.
[1] Bourke, Fionnuala, ‘Queen and the Miracle Baby Bishop’ in Sunday Mercury of October 24, 2004.
[2] Mugonyi, David. ‘Kalonzo and Uhuru skip UK bonding trip’ in Daily Nation of March 9, 2007.
[3] Smith, Hedrick. The Power Game. (Random House). New York.1988.
[4] The Sunday Standard Number 1402 of March 4, 2007.
[5] Wesson , Robert G. The American Problem, (Abelard- Schuman.) London. 1963.
Friday, March 16, 2007
Saturday, March 3, 2007
Kibaki's Election Spin Works!
An extremely effective clandestine attempt by Mwai Kibaki’s 2007 election campaigners to spin the infamous state organized invasion of The Standard that took place exactly a year ago out of front pages was magnificently executed two days ago. The spin doctoring operation almost worked like magic. The first anniversary of the worst mistake by a reigning President in an independent Kenya almost passed unnoticed because on the eve of the sad day – 1st March – the government announced a new salary structure for teachers.
It also announced the appointment of Prof. Njuguna Ndung’u as the new Governor of the Central Bank of Kenya. Kibaki’s obviously powerful spin doctors were making a desperate attempt to have all the front pages occupied by the new announcements instead of the poisonous story that would damage the President in this crucial election time. And indeed it almost worked!
On March 2nd the front pages of all the papers including The Standard’s splashed the teachers’ salaries stories. The state terrorism against The Standard which normally would have filled all the front pages with anti- Kibaki stories had to be dropped by all the papers except The Standard which used it as the second lead. Who is the real spin doctor for Mwai Kibaki? How much power does he or she have? Why don’t journalists see through this new and most devastating state weapon to lead the media institutions by their noses?
Someone in Kibaki’s campaign team understands the needs of the media in Kenya. He or she knows what makes good news. He or she knows, and may be understands, what news values are. He or she must be qualified journalist. If it is a team, then that team also intimately knows what newspaper deadlines are and how they affect “editionizing”. Targeting the first editions of all the newspapers the teachers’ salaries announcement was made very late in the evening to make journalists manipulate the front pages to accommodate the new hot story. Other inside pages had been done and the only room to accommodate the new story was on the front page. Chief subs had to revamp the front page and the invasion of The Standard anniversary story had to be spiked! In fact all other papers except The Standard spiked it. The dirty mission was accomplished!
The Standard invasion anniversary story would have sold but nothing sells better than teachers’ new salary structure. Teachers buy newspapers. The commercial sector was eager to know who the next governor of the Central Bank of Kenya would be. The bank is crucial to the economy of the country. The news was announced late in the evening to make sure the invasion of The Standard story would be killed! By the time the two news items were made public by someone extremely powerful in Kibaki’s government the story reminding the people of Kenya about the commandos who invaded The Standard a year ago was dead and buried.
A year ago when hooded police hooligans invaded and vandalized The Standard editorial offices and printing press, journalists in the country were united. They all condemned the invasion. The late announcements of a new Governor of the Central Bank and new salaries for teachers made every editor think of circulation wars. Both stories would sell more than the anniversary one.
The media fraternity and unity brought about by police cruelty seen at The Standard a year ago evaporated in thin air through the clever manipulation by Mwai Kibaki’s spin doctors. What brought journalists together last year was not relevant any more. Only circulation figures mattered now. The crisis at The Standard that made them comrades in arms no longer existed. The big question is: When they chose to forget The Standard crisis story were they making the right editorial judgement?
According to Leonard Downie Jr. and Robert G. Kaiser in their famous book The News about The News good journalism holds communities together in times of crisis, providing the information and the images that constitute shared experience. When disaster strikes, they say, the news media give readers and viewers something to hold on to – facts, but also explanation and discussion that can help people deal with the unexpected.[1]
The Michuki invasion of The Standard was the most unexpected blow to Kenyan journalism ever to be experienced since independence. Equally unexpected was the new spin capabilities that removed the story from all the front pages except that of The Standard which had an axe to grind with a pending case against the Government in court. Even in the case of The Standard the story was the second page one lead after the new pay for teachers’ splash.
One of the greatest disasters ever to happen to Mwai Kibaki’s regime was the state sponsored commando invasion of The Standard on the night of March 1st 2006. The foolish act gave the Government more negative publicity than even the Anglo Leasing scandal. Millions of Kenyans were glued to their TV sets as newspaper circulation figures were going through the roof. Foreign correspondents filed more copy than when Jomo Kenyatta, the first President died. The story was in demand in every part of the world where Africans are most despised. As a matter of fact in those circles it was used as proof that the black man was not ready for independence as he was incapable of respecting free speech – the pillar of democracy.
The threat to Press freedom in Kenya passed without political leaders’ serious concern. Parliament has yet to pass a vote of no confidence in at least the method used by John Michuki to “discipline” The Standard. In 1966 when a threat of different kind confronted major British newspapers , the matter become a subject of a serious debate in Parliament with useful contribution from the highest political office of the land – the Prime Minister himself. Commenting about the UK economic and technological crisis in his Newspaper Crisis, Harford Thomas says the British newspaper crisis has not only been generously documented, but fully debated. He tells us how the House of Commons and the House of Lords gave a full day to debates filling more than 120 pages of the official reports.[2] At that time the British politicians were very concerned with the imminent threat to press freedom there.
Thomas reminds us how the then Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, made a historic speech in the House of Commons by saying: “I start from the doctrine that a free and democratic country such as ours the British people need, are entitled to demand, a free press representing every point of view…If this is to be achieved this country needs, and is entitled to have, something like the present number o newspapers, national and local.” It is very difficult to imagine anyone in Kibaki’s administration defending free speech the way Wilson defended the British press four decades ago.
Instead of emulating the British admirable protection of press freedom, Kibaki’s ministers are the source of the threat against the media. Other members of Parliament, including Opposition leaders, are paddling in the same canoe. They too see the media in Kenya as a threat particularly when journalists call for the respect for values such as free and fair elections which may show them the door to the streets used by the unemployed outside Parliament.
It is indeed a paradox that Kibaki’s regime provided a red carpet reception to the IPI leaders and members when they met in Nairobi in May 2005. Seated among the cheering crowd at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre, I wondered whether the President meant what he was saying when he promised heaven on earth for Kenyan journalists and for the international correspondents based in Nairobi. I wondered whether Kibaki knew he was addressing people who as long ago as 1997 called the attention of the world to the “increasing harassment and persecution of the Press, radio and television in many countries around the world.”[3] If he did then he did not show any respect for those who sounded the warning because soon after his wonderful promise his minister, John Michuki, was doing exactly what the IPI was telling the world to guard against.
Recalling the IPI caution sounded at its General Assembly in Oslo in 1997, Kit Coppered says the warning reflected every kind of persecution from “butchering of journalists in South America to censorship of news and the feeding of flagrantly dishonest information to the media by governments in even the most liberal democracies of the Western world.”[4] Is that a familiar story in Kenya too? Don’t our political leaders in all the political parties – Kanu, Narc- Kenya, ODM and the rest of them tell blatant lies to journalists every time the truth is exposed? Every Kenyan knows the answer to that question which will be answered through the ballot in this year’s election.
[1] Downie Jr., Leonard and Kaiser, Robert G. The News About The News (Alfred A Knopf. New York. 2002)
[2] Thomas, Harford. Newspaper Crisis ( IPI, Zurich. 1967)
[3] Coppered, Kit. The Defence of Press Freedom ( IPI, London/ Zurich 1988)
[4] Ibid
It also announced the appointment of Prof. Njuguna Ndung’u as the new Governor of the Central Bank of Kenya. Kibaki’s obviously powerful spin doctors were making a desperate attempt to have all the front pages occupied by the new announcements instead of the poisonous story that would damage the President in this crucial election time. And indeed it almost worked!
On March 2nd the front pages of all the papers including The Standard’s splashed the teachers’ salaries stories. The state terrorism against The Standard which normally would have filled all the front pages with anti- Kibaki stories had to be dropped by all the papers except The Standard which used it as the second lead. Who is the real spin doctor for Mwai Kibaki? How much power does he or she have? Why don’t journalists see through this new and most devastating state weapon to lead the media institutions by their noses?
Someone in Kibaki’s campaign team understands the needs of the media in Kenya. He or she knows what makes good news. He or she knows, and may be understands, what news values are. He or she must be qualified journalist. If it is a team, then that team also intimately knows what newspaper deadlines are and how they affect “editionizing”. Targeting the first editions of all the newspapers the teachers’ salaries announcement was made very late in the evening to make journalists manipulate the front pages to accommodate the new hot story. Other inside pages had been done and the only room to accommodate the new story was on the front page. Chief subs had to revamp the front page and the invasion of The Standard anniversary story had to be spiked! In fact all other papers except The Standard spiked it. The dirty mission was accomplished!
The Standard invasion anniversary story would have sold but nothing sells better than teachers’ new salary structure. Teachers buy newspapers. The commercial sector was eager to know who the next governor of the Central Bank of Kenya would be. The bank is crucial to the economy of the country. The news was announced late in the evening to make sure the invasion of The Standard story would be killed! By the time the two news items were made public by someone extremely powerful in Kibaki’s government the story reminding the people of Kenya about the commandos who invaded The Standard a year ago was dead and buried.
A year ago when hooded police hooligans invaded and vandalized The Standard editorial offices and printing press, journalists in the country were united. They all condemned the invasion. The late announcements of a new Governor of the Central Bank and new salaries for teachers made every editor think of circulation wars. Both stories would sell more than the anniversary one.
The media fraternity and unity brought about by police cruelty seen at The Standard a year ago evaporated in thin air through the clever manipulation by Mwai Kibaki’s spin doctors. What brought journalists together last year was not relevant any more. Only circulation figures mattered now. The crisis at The Standard that made them comrades in arms no longer existed. The big question is: When they chose to forget The Standard crisis story were they making the right editorial judgement?
According to Leonard Downie Jr. and Robert G. Kaiser in their famous book The News about The News good journalism holds communities together in times of crisis, providing the information and the images that constitute shared experience. When disaster strikes, they say, the news media give readers and viewers something to hold on to – facts, but also explanation and discussion that can help people deal with the unexpected.[1]
The Michuki invasion of The Standard was the most unexpected blow to Kenyan journalism ever to be experienced since independence. Equally unexpected was the new spin capabilities that removed the story from all the front pages except that of The Standard which had an axe to grind with a pending case against the Government in court. Even in the case of The Standard the story was the second page one lead after the new pay for teachers’ splash.
One of the greatest disasters ever to happen to Mwai Kibaki’s regime was the state sponsored commando invasion of The Standard on the night of March 1st 2006. The foolish act gave the Government more negative publicity than even the Anglo Leasing scandal. Millions of Kenyans were glued to their TV sets as newspaper circulation figures were going through the roof. Foreign correspondents filed more copy than when Jomo Kenyatta, the first President died. The story was in demand in every part of the world where Africans are most despised. As a matter of fact in those circles it was used as proof that the black man was not ready for independence as he was incapable of respecting free speech – the pillar of democracy.
The threat to Press freedom in Kenya passed without political leaders’ serious concern. Parliament has yet to pass a vote of no confidence in at least the method used by John Michuki to “discipline” The Standard. In 1966 when a threat of different kind confronted major British newspapers , the matter become a subject of a serious debate in Parliament with useful contribution from the highest political office of the land – the Prime Minister himself. Commenting about the UK economic and technological crisis in his Newspaper Crisis, Harford Thomas says the British newspaper crisis has not only been generously documented, but fully debated. He tells us how the House of Commons and the House of Lords gave a full day to debates filling more than 120 pages of the official reports.[2] At that time the British politicians were very concerned with the imminent threat to press freedom there.
Thomas reminds us how the then Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, made a historic speech in the House of Commons by saying: “I start from the doctrine that a free and democratic country such as ours the British people need, are entitled to demand, a free press representing every point of view…If this is to be achieved this country needs, and is entitled to have, something like the present number o newspapers, national and local.” It is very difficult to imagine anyone in Kibaki’s administration defending free speech the way Wilson defended the British press four decades ago.
Instead of emulating the British admirable protection of press freedom, Kibaki’s ministers are the source of the threat against the media. Other members of Parliament, including Opposition leaders, are paddling in the same canoe. They too see the media in Kenya as a threat particularly when journalists call for the respect for values such as free and fair elections which may show them the door to the streets used by the unemployed outside Parliament.
It is indeed a paradox that Kibaki’s regime provided a red carpet reception to the IPI leaders and members when they met in Nairobi in May 2005. Seated among the cheering crowd at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre, I wondered whether the President meant what he was saying when he promised heaven on earth for Kenyan journalists and for the international correspondents based in Nairobi. I wondered whether Kibaki knew he was addressing people who as long ago as 1997 called the attention of the world to the “increasing harassment and persecution of the Press, radio and television in many countries around the world.”[3] If he did then he did not show any respect for those who sounded the warning because soon after his wonderful promise his minister, John Michuki, was doing exactly what the IPI was telling the world to guard against.
Recalling the IPI caution sounded at its General Assembly in Oslo in 1997, Kit Coppered says the warning reflected every kind of persecution from “butchering of journalists in South America to censorship of news and the feeding of flagrantly dishonest information to the media by governments in even the most liberal democracies of the Western world.”[4] Is that a familiar story in Kenya too? Don’t our political leaders in all the political parties – Kanu, Narc- Kenya, ODM and the rest of them tell blatant lies to journalists every time the truth is exposed? Every Kenyan knows the answer to that question which will be answered through the ballot in this year’s election.
[1] Downie Jr., Leonard and Kaiser, Robert G. The News About The News (Alfred A Knopf. New York. 2002)
[2] Thomas, Harford. Newspaper Crisis ( IPI, Zurich. 1967)
[3] Coppered, Kit. The Defence of Press Freedom ( IPI, London/ Zurich 1988)
[4] Ibid
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