Bitter Lessons From Magarini

The Magarini by-election won by Harrison Kombe of the Shirikisho Party has brought into light some unpalatable realities to Kenyan political “giants” who thought their influence was so strong among wananchi that their views would be taken as gospel truth without thinking. The first paradox to emerge was the fact that there could be no such a thing as an ODM-K candidate. The internal not-so-secret rivalry within the party meant that its ticket could only be won by one of the two major factions within it. In the case of Magarini Jefwa Kingi was seen as a Raila Odinga candidate and so got only a symbolic lukewarm support from the Kalonzo Musyoka’s faction.

Throughout the electoral process ODM’s most lethal enemy was ODM itself. The behaviour of its leaders at Magarini did not quite square with the picture of their strong front against Mwai Kibaki’s government. That picture, it became abundantly clear, was only a smokescreen used as a crowd puller to popularize the party. Though Raila Odinga, Uhuru Kenyatta, Kalonzo Musyoka, Najib Balala and Musalia Mudavadi all flocked to Magarini to campaign for Kingi, the voters were not impressed by their anti Kibaki rhetoric. Instead they strongly supported their humble and unassuming former MP.

The second reality that came out of the by-election is the fact that the Mijikenda people have now accepted the Shirikisho Party of Kenya as their own and will use it to negotiate with whoever wins the next general election to secure a respectable position for the Digo, Chonyi, Kambe, Duruma, Kauma, Ribe, Rabai, Jibana, and Giriama people who form its backbone.

The third revelation from Magarini is that many small ethnic groups which superficially appear to be insignificant are likely to emulate the Mijikenda people. The manner in which Kenyan political giants from large ethnic communities openly struggle for power has led to an upsurge of minority groups, which include the Mijikenda, formulating a mechanism to safeguard their political interests in their various rural constituencies such as Magarini.

This rural revolution in Kenya has become a critical part of political existence which was evidenced by the manner in which ethnic leaders from Ukambani and Western Province negotiated with President Mwai Kibaki soon after the 2005 referendum to have their own people included in the Cabinet. Charity Ngilu brought in Kivutha Kibwana and Mutua Katuku while Musikari Kombo opened the door for Moses Akaranga and Noah Wekesa.

The result of Magarini by-election is likely to make other tribal leaders tighten their various loose groups first to ensure that they go back to Parliament and then to establish a negotiating tool to use when fighting for their political rights in bigger entities such as ODM and Narc-K. It is significant to note that in Magarini the Mijikenda MPs united behind Kombe regardless of their political affiliation and they deliberately ignored other coastal MPs who are not Mijikenda such as Joe Khamisi, Masden Madoka and Danson
Mungatana.

This kind of unity among small tribes in preparation for the next general election is reminiscent of the civil right movement of minority African Americans who in early’60s united to gain political recognition. As Emma Jones Lapsanky puts it at that time black people in the US came to realize that the secret was in political power which could be used wisely, unitedly, and fearlessly. After this discovery a massive voter registration campaign was planned for Summer of 1964 when black leaders, come together with in Mississippi “for an intensive voter registration effort in terror stricken black communities.” [1]

Just as the black people of 1960 America, a number of Kenyan minority ethnic groups feel threatened and politically marginalized. The lessons learned in American civil rights movement, asserts Lapsanky (1970), was that black man could quickly acquire fundamental legal recognition through unity. She contends that a new generation was being created (in the 60s) – a generation of blacks who could never again have the same naïve awe of “Mr. Charlie”, and a generation of white youths who could never again bask in the security of innate superiority.[2]

Something akin to the American civil rights movement is emerging in many Kenyan communities in the form of ethnic nationalism which demands political, economic and social recognition in more or less the same manner as the African Americans did in the 60s. The political future of these ethnic groups is guaranteed in the choice of leaders they make as they vote in the next general election. The leaders who have been identified as heros in their own ethnic groups are in fact assured of their seats in the next parliament. Looked at in this manner there is no doubt what so ever that Raila Odinga as the leader of the Luo people is assured of his seat in Parliament in the same manner as Kalonzo Musyoka is as the leader of the Kamba people.

Musikari Kombo’s position as the leader of the Bukusu people is contestable as much as that of Najib Balala as the leader of the local costal Arabs. The power and control that Raila Odinga has over the Luo people is the envy of all other political leaders in Kenya who would like to have similar domination over their people at least to be assured a seat in Parliament which is now proving to be a very handsome source of wealth.

The proliferation of ethnic nationalism can therefore be identified as a direct result of incumbent leaders’ greed as well as a mechanism to bargain for political and economic equality with the big ethnic groups that are either in power or seeking it. The cause of confusion in both ODM-K and Narc-K today is based mainly on efforts by the incumbent MPs to retain their parliamentary lucrative jobs.

The other lesson learned through the Magarini by-election is that more than ever before the electorate has become issue oriented even as it nurtures ethnic nationalism. It appears as if those who are likely to win this year’s general election will be people with proven records of not only protecting their communities’ interests but also bringing about development to them. The Magarini MP is said to have used his Constituency Development Fund (CDF) so wisely that it gained him popularity which saw him go back to Parliament even after being opposed by such political giants as Raila Odinga and Najib Balala. May be the most disastrous outcome of the Magarini by-election is the acceptance of xenophobia by incumbent MPs as a means of retaining their seats in the legislature. In some cases like those in Mt. Elgon and Central Province it has led to bloodshed and death.

Emulating the style used by Kombe to go back to Parliament, tribalists among MPs are now fanning fires of xenophobia which they recognize can only be accepted and grow roots in their constituencies through conflict and bloodshed. The situation in Mt. Elgon and Central Province may be disastrous in appearance to everyone else, but to the tribal leaders, even though they will not say so in public, it is necessary and desirable. They have vested interests in tribal clashes.

This is very much like the thinking of communist revolutionaries. As Douglas Hyde, the late former editor of The Daily Worker says , economic crisis , social upheaval, defeat in war or victory which leave a nation bled white even though victorious are the preconditions of communism. He argues it would be less than human and, indeed, idiotic for the communist not, in his heart of hearts, to long for them. It would still more idiotic, he asserts, for the world leaders of communism not to work for the creation of precisely such situations. Beneath the propaganda and smokescreen of concern for social justice, he continues, this is always the real aim and purpose of the communist party line, nationally and internationally. (Hyde 1950)[3]

Yet another lesson to be learned from the by-election is that economic progress of certain Kenyans has also been given a tribal dimension. The Mijikenda people, who are among the poorest in the country, see “outsiders” occupying their coastal land as economic imperialists. It is the same feeling Africans used to have against Europeans and Asians in pre-independence Kenya. To paraphrase Jerome (1973) it is sad, but Kenyans must accept the fact that we are living in a country charged with tribal dynamite. Our economics has become a question of tribe. Hard though it may be to digest, tribal economic is a reality. The question of social, psychological and political development depends upon economic superiority.[4]

The Mijikenda people regard the massive occupation of their land by people from “bara” as tribal tyranny and they are infuriated by what they call “jipapa”.[5] Many other Kenyan tribes see the prosperous “outsiders” settling on their land in similar way. It so happens that the most enterprising ethnic group in Kenya that has prospered outside its own home of Central Province is the Kikuyus. Their economic opulence combined with political power under Mwai Kibaki is the real reason for the so called “unity” in ODM-K whose main agenda is to get rid of Mwai Kibaki. Though many of the ODM-K leaders accuse Kibaki of nepotism, they would all most certainly give top jobs in the government they control to the people from their own home areas. The way they organize groups of supporters among themselves attest to this.

The question “Is he one of us?” was brought into international fame by the former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher when she used it as “ a test which politicians and other public officials aspiring to her favour were required to pass.” According to her biographer Hugo Young the question also epitomized in a single phrase how she saw an aspect of her mission. This was to gather the cadre of like-minded people who would, with her, change the face of the Conservative Party and at the same time launch the recovery of Britain. (Young.1989)[6]. In a rather different setup Thatcher’s question was used by Magarini voters and it is likely to be used again in the December general elections throughout the country. Every voter will look at the candidates before voting and ask: “Is he one of us?” Magarini people did so with Kombe and the answer was “yes!” so they put him back to Parliament.



[1] Lapsanky, Emma Jones. “Black Power Is My Mental Health”: Accomplishment of the Civil Rights Movement, in Black Americans. Edited by John F. Szswed. Forum Series. Philadelphia.1970.
[2] Ibid
[3]Hyde, Douglas. I Believed: The Autobiography of the Former British Communist . The Reprint Society. London.1950.
[4] Jerome, Abraham. National Agrarianism .Vol. 2. Racism and Economic
[5] Jipapa is a big , dangerous man-eating shark.
[6] Young, Hugo. One Of Us . Macmillan. London . 1989.